Topic Area: Deforestation
Geographic Area: Madagascar
Focal Question: What are the historical causes of
deforestation in Madagascar and what is the situation today?
Sources:
(1) Jarosz, Lucy. "Defining and explaining tropical
deforestation: shifting cultivation and population growth in colonial
Madagascar." Economic Geography 64.9 (Oct 1993): 366-80.
(2) Matloff, Judith. "Poor Nations Confront Choice of Trees of Jobs."
Christian Science Monitor 16 Aug. 1995: 1.
(3) Perlez, Jane. "Whose forest is it, the peasants or the lemurs?"
New York Times 7 Sept. 1991: 2N.
(4) Shaw, Christopher. "New light and heat - on forests as energy
reserves." Energy Policy 23.7 (July 1995): 607.
Reviewer: Alane O'Connor, Colby College '96
Review:
Rapid deforestation on the island of Madagascar has been an important
factor in many global issues such as global warming, desertification,
soil erosion and decreased biodiversity. Biodiversity is of
particular concern for Madagascar as the rosy periwinkle, which is
found almost exclusively on the tiny island off the coast of East
Africa, is essential for the treatment of leukemia. Additionally, 90%
of it's 250 species of reptiles, 29 of it's lemur species and 80% of
it's plant species are unique to the island. If the forests continue
to be rapidly destroyed without taking this biodiversity measure into
account, it could have serious ramifications on the world.
Madagascar's historic problem of deforestation can be linked to the
detrimental policies of the colonial state in terms of land use and
agriculture.
The deforestation problem in Madagascar began when it was annexed as
a French colony in 1896. An uncertain political climate and famine
followed this annexation, and many of the Malagasy fled to the woods
for survival. These farmers started practicing the method of shifting
cultivation as a means of survival. Shifting cultivation is "a
continuous system of cultivation in which temporary fields are
cleared, usually burned, and subsequently cropped for fewer years
than they are fallowed" (Jarosz 368). The practice has been defined
by the World Bank as "primitive, inefficient, and destructive", but
"sustainable and appropriate when population densities are low and
land areas are vast" (Jarosz 369).
Madagascar's domestic economy, from the beginning, has been geared
toward export promotion. Exports consisted primarily of coffee, but
rice and beef were sold abroad as well. Coffee was originally planted
on only the east coast, but expanded across the island when it became
apparent that producers were able to generate large profits. Because
of this expansion of coffee, the island's economic development was
uneven. Rice shortages resulted as early as 1911 because of the
excess demand for labor in the coffee sector, and the nation's "food
security" began to erode. Rice was also more vulnerable to changes in
the weather and cyclones, which exacerbated the shortages. Peasants
that once worked cultivating the nation's rice moved into regions
where they were able to cultivate coffee because of the higher wages.
These peasants would then clear additional land so that they could
practice shifting cultivation and generate enough food to
subsist.
In response to the increasing shifting cultivation, or tavy as it is
called locally, the Governor General prohibited it's practice in
1909. The state's objective of this ban was to try and save what was
left of the nation's forest as well as impose "rational forest
resource management" (Jarosz 373). However, the land set aside by the
state for nation's rice cultivation was inefficient because of soil
problems. The policy was therefore ineffective in erasing
Madagascar's rice production problem. The government also thought
that the ban would give them a greater ability to collect taxes
because it would be easier to locate citizens if they were forced to
remain in one place.
The Malagasy interpretation of the ban was almost entirely opposite
of the state's intentions. They viewed wage work as equivalent to
enslavement and many revolts took place. Not only did the Malagasy
ignore the ban, but they illegally burned many acres of forest in
protest. "The ban elevated the practice of tavy to a symbol of
independence and liberty from colonial rule" (Jarosz 373). The
Malagasy viewed shifting cultivation as a sacred means of survival
that they were taught by their ancestors. Because of the protests and
the fact that the ban was largely unenforced, whatever good
intentions the government had were never realized.
The forest degradation problem became even more serious when the
state decided to open up the island's forests to concessionary
practices in 1921. Many viewed it as ironic that the state allowed
massive clear cutting on concessions while the ban on shifting
cultivation was still in effect. More than just the claimed lands
were ruined however, because many owners clear-cut lands beyond their
concessionary limits. The Forest Service was unable to regulate the
concessions because of shortages in labor and "a lack of political
will." Much of the illegal felling of trees was completely overlooked
and the fines that were levied for violation of the permits were far
lower than the actual damages. The combination of these detrimental
government policies meant that "roughly 70% of the primary forest was
destroyed in the 30 years between 1895 and 1925" (Jarosz 375).
Population growth didn't become a factor in forest degradation in
Madagascar until 1940 when vaccines were introduced that lowered the
death rate. During the next 40 years the population increased rapidly
from 4.2 million to 9.2 million. This put a significant strain on the
natural resources and estimates show that 4 million hectares of
forests were cleared during this 40 year period, as compared to
between 3 and 7 million hectares in the 40 year period from 1900
through 1940. Much of this deforestation, Jarosz argues, was still
linked to the concessionary claims, export promotion, and insecure
land tenure, rather than population growth alone.
The current situation of forest use in Madagascar is not much more
promising than the historical situation. The Malagasy often subsist
on per capita income equal to $200 per year and 750,000 acres of
forest are still felled every year. Deforestation at 1994 levels
still costs Madagascar between $100-$300 million in decreased crop
yields and the loss of productive forests. Coffee still represents
24% of the nation's exports, and the rice production situation has
become so bad that Madagascar import most of what is consumed.
Environmentalists and economists agree that what factors the
communities need to survive must be identified and obtained from
sources other than their environment. One method that has been
identified is using the fees generated from tourism to support the
local villages. There are currently 17 of these programs set up
across Madagascar with the help of USAID, where 50% of the natural
park proceeds directly benefit the villagers. Some problems still
exist, however, as logging takes place in many of the areas set aside
as national parks. Hunters and poachers as well as the illegal
loggers are difficult to police.
Population growth is also still a problem for Madagascar as the
growth rate tops 3.0% per year. Some social discontent with the new
parks system is also evident as citizens complain that parks are set
aside without the consent of the local people. When the Ranomafana
Forest was converted into a national park in 1991, 80,000 peasants
that relied upon the forest as their primary source of income viewed
the transformation as an economic disaster. However, had this park
system not been implemented, it is estimated that there would have
been absolutely no forest cover left in 2025. "If something more is
not done in time we will have a major ecological disaster on our
hands and Madagascar will die" (Matloff 8).